|
From Sabbath to Sunday |
|
| | APPENDIX | | (Part 1 of 2) | | | Paul and the Sabbath | |
In the Sabbath-Sunday debate three Pauline texts have been traditionally cited (Colossians 2:14-17; Galatians 4:8-11; Romans 14:5-6) to prove that Paul regarded the Old Testament Sabbath as no longer binding, especially for Gentile Christians. Of the three references, Colossians 2:14-17 has been quoted far more extensively than the other two inasmuch as the passage explicitly speaks of Christ’s nailing something to the cross (2:14) and warns against paying heed to regulations (dogmata) with regard to several things, such as "a Sabbath" (2:16). In view of the importance attributed to these statements we shall conduct our enquiry into Paul’s attitude toward the Sabbath, by focusing our investigation primarily on Colossians 2:14-17, without neglecting the information provided by Galatians 4:8-11 and Romans 14:5-6.
The Traditional Interpretation of Colossians 2:16-17"Let no man therefore judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of an holyday, or of the new moon, or of the sabbath [days]: Which are a shadow of things to come; but the body [is] of Christ." (Colossians 2:16-17, KJV) |
|
A brief historical survey of the interpretation of Colossians 2:16-17 may serve to make us aware that the passage has been quite consistently explained to mean that the Sabbath is a Jewish institution, abolished by Christ on the cross. In a fragment attributed to Irenaeus, Colossians 2:16 is quoted to discourage Christians from observing "feasts and fasts" which "are displeasing to the Lord." (1) Tertullian uses this passage to argue against Marcion that the Law does not derive from another God, but is the shadow belonging to the body, Christ. He asks Marcion: "Now tell me, Marcion, what is your opinion of the apostle’s language, when he says, "Let no man judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of a holy ‘day, or of the new moon, or of the sabbath, which is a shadow of things to come, but the body is of Christ?" [Colossians 2:16]. We do not now treat of the law, further than (to remark) that the apostle here teaches clearly how it has been abolished, even by passing from shadow to substance—that is, from figurative types to reality, which is Christ." (2) Though Tertullian openly states that his intention is not to discuss the question of the law, yet in his incidental remark he explicitly reveals his understanding of the text when he says, "the apostle here [Colossians 2:16] teaches clearly how it [the law] has been abolished." Augustine continues this tradition, applying Colossians 2:16-17 more specifically to the Sabbath. He quotes the passage to show that Christ was not guilty when he broke the Sabbath, because "He was removing the shadows." (3) Luther took up this tradition saying of Colossians 2:16-17 "Here Paul abolished the Sabbath by name and called it a bygone shadow because the body, which is Christ himself, has come." (4) Calvin similarly understood Colossians 2:16 to mean that "Christ has by his death abolished ... the observance of rites." (5) He explains that "the reason why he frees Christians from the observance of them is, that they were shadows at a time when Christ was still, in a manner, absent." (6) Calvin holds that the distinction between days "was suitable for the Jews, that they might celebrate strictly the days that were appointed, by separating them from others. Among Christians, however, such a division has ceased." (7) This interpretation which views the Sabbath in the Colossians passage as a bygone ceremonial shadow of the Jewish dispensation, abolished by Christ on the cross, has come down to our time as the most predominant interpretation. The mention of a few significant scholars will suffice to establish this fact. J. Daniélou, for instance, declares: "St. Paul proclaimed the end of the Sabbath (Romans 14:6) If the Sabbath was to die little by little, this was because it was only a provisional institution and a figure of the world to come. Now this world has come: the figure need only disappear: "Let no one, then, call you to account for what you eat or drink, or in regard to a festival or a new moon or a Sabbath. These are a shadow of things to come, but the substance is of Christ" (Colossians 2:16)." (8) W. Robertson Nicoll similarly maintains that "the unmistakable teaching" of Colossians is that "the obligation of the Jewish Sabbath has passed away as much as sacrifices and circumcision." (9) Paul K. Jewett likewise comments that "Paul’s statement [Colossians 2:16] comes as near to a demonstration, as anything could, that he taught his converts they had no obligation to observe the seventh-day Sabbath of the Old Testament." (10) C. S. Mosna concludes in a similar vein saying that "according to this text [Colossians 2:16-17] . . . the Colossians are in danger of losing their liberty by accepting the Sabbath precept.... Among the prescriptions of the Law, even the sabbath rest was to be abolished." (11) The interpretation of W. Rordorf is essentially the same. On the basis of Galatians and Colossians, he defines Paul’s attitude toward the Sabbath in the following terms: "With regard to Gentile Christians he [Paul] absolutely refuses to countenance any longing eyes cast at the Old Testament law: they are free from any observance of the law. ... In particular there is never any question of them observing the Jewish sabbath." (12) These samplings of testimonies exemplify that Colossians 2:16-17 throughout Christian history has been interpreted quite consistently to mean that Paul regarded the Sabbath as an Old Testament typological institution fulfilled by Christ and therefore no longer binding on Christians. Since this interpretation has been "hallowed" by history, to submit the Colossians and related passages to a new critical scrutiny may appear as a pretentious undertaking. Yet this is a service that needs to be rendered to test the validity of any inherited interpretation. To ascertain Paul’s understanding of the Sabbath (as well as of the Jewish festivities in general) particularly in the light of the crucial passage of Colossians 2:14-17, several questions need to be considered. Inasmuch as the warning regarding the observance of sacred days is only one aspect of the "Colossian heresy" that the Apostle is refuting, we need to ascertain first of all what was the basic nature of the false teaching that unsuspectingly risked to "disqualify" (2:18) the Colossian believers? Did the false teachers advocate exclusively a rigorous observance of the ordinances of the Mosaic law? Are these to be identified with "the written document — cheirographon" which God through Christ "wiped out... removed, [and] nailed to the cross" (2:14)? Can one legitimately infer from the passage that the observance of holy days such as the Sabbath is viewed by Paul as Mosaic ordinances "nailed to the cross"? Is the Apostle advocating that Christians are released from all obligation to observe holy days? We shall endeavor to answer these questions by briefly considering first, the nature of the "Colossian heresy," secondly, what was nailed to the cross and lastly Paul’s attitude toward the Sabbath and holy days.
The Colossian Heresy To establish the religious-historical background of the Colossian heresy is not an easy task, inasmuch as the cryptic allusions to such concepts as "tradition–paradosis" (Colossians 2:8), "fulness–pleroma" (1:2:9,10), "philosophy– philosophia" (2:8), "eating and drinking–brosei, posei" (2:16), "principalities and powers–archai, exousiai" (2:15), and "elements of the world– stoicheia tou kosmou" (2:8, 20), find correspondence both in "gnostic Judaism" and in "Hellenistic syncretism." (13) Both of these are in fact equally used by commentators to define the derivation of the gnosis of Colossae. For the purpose of our study, however, we need not enter into the debate regarding the ideological provenance of the Colossian "philosophy" (2:8). It will suffice to reconstruct the main outline of its teachings on the basis of the short quotations and catchwords cited by Paul in chapter 2 in the context of his admonition to the believers. The false teaching which Paul refutes in Colossians is characterized by a theological and a practical error. Theologically, the Colossian "philosophy" (2:8) was competing with Christ for man’s allegiance. Its source of authority, according to Paul, was man-made "tradition–paradosis" (2:8) and its object was to impart true "wisdom–sophia" (2:3,23), "knowledge–gnosis" (2:2,3; 3:10), and "understanding–sunesis" (1:9; 2:2). To attain such knowledge Christians were urged to do homage to cosmic principalities (2:10, 15) and to "the elements of the universe–ta stoicheia tou kosmou" (2:8,18,20). What precisely Paul meant by the latter phrase is still much debated. Some interpret "the elements—stoicheia" as the "elementary teachings about God belonging to this world" which were present in rudimentary form both in Judaism and paganism. (14) Others view them as "the basic elements of this world" particularly the earth, water, air and fire, from which it was thought all things derived. (15) Most modern exegetes, however, have adopted a personified interpretation of the stoicheia (especially on the basis of the parallel passage in Galatians 4:3,9; cf. 3:19), identifying them with angelic mediators of the law (Acts 7:53; Galatians 3:19; Hebrews 2:2) and with pagan astral gods who were credited with control of the destiny of mankind. (16) To gain protection from these cosmic powers and principalities, the Colossian "philosophers" were urging Christians to offer cultic adoration to angelic powers (2:15,18,19,23) and to follow ritualistic and ascetic practices (2:11,14,16,17,21,22). By that process one was assured of access to and participation in the divine "fulness–pleroma" (2:9,10, cf. 1:19). The theological error then basically consisted in interposing inferior angelic mediators in place of the Head Himself (2:9,10,18,19). The practical outcome of these theological speculations was the insistence on strict asceticism and ritualism. These consisted in "putting off the body of flesh" (2:11) (apparently meaning withdrawal from the world); (17) rigorous treatment of the body (2:23); prohibition to either taste or touch certain kinds of foods and beverages (2:16,21), and careful observance of sacred days and seasons—festival, new moon, Sabbath (2:16). Christians presumably were led to believe that by submitting to these ascetic practices, they were not surrendering their faith in Christ, but rather they were receiving added protection and were assured of full access to the divine fulness. This may be inferred both from Paul’s distinction between living "according to the elements of the universe" and "according to Christ" (2:8) and from the Apostle’s insistence on the supremacy of the incarnate Christ. "In him the whole fulness of deity dwells bodily" (2:9), therefore Christian attain "the fulness–pleroma" of life not through the elements of the universe, but through Christ, "who is the head of all rule and authority" (2:10; cf. 1:15-20; 3:3). On the basis of this bare outline, we can already establish that the Sabbath is mentioned in the passage not in the context of a direct discussion on the obligation of the law, but rather in the context of syncretistic beliefs and practices (which incorporated elements from the Old Testament, undoubtedly to provide a justification for their ascetic principles) (18) advocated by the Colossian "philosophers." We are not informed what type of Sabbath observance these teachers promoted, nevertheless on the basis of their emphasis on scrupulous adherence to "regulations," it is apparent that the day was to be observed in a most rigorous and superstitious manner. It is possible, in fact, as we shall discuss later, that astrological beliefs attached to the day of Saturn made the observance of the day all the more superstitious. If then, as is generally recognized, Paul in Colossians is refuting not the usual brand of Jewish or Jewish-Christian legalism, but rather a syncretistic "philosophy" which incorporated among others Jewish elements, (19) is it legitimate to use this passage to define Paul’s basic attitude toward the Sabbath? Does Paul’s condemnation of a perverted use of a religious observance constitute a valid ground to conclude that the Apostle releases all Christians from its obligation? More important still, does Colossians 2:16-17 actually imply that Paul thought and taught that Christians were no longer under obligation to observe any holy day? Before considering these questions, we need to establish what role the law plays in Paul’s refutation of the Colossian heresy. Is the Apostle for instance referring to the moral and/or ceremonial law when he speaks of the "written document – cheirographon" which God "set aside, nailing it to the cross" (2:14)? This clarification will help us establish whether in Paul’s mind the Sabbath is part of what was nailed on the cross.
What Was Nailed To The Cross? To understand the legal language of Colossians 2:14 it is necessary, first of all, to grasp the arguments advanced by Paul in the preceding verses to combat the Colossian "philosophy." We noticed that false teachers were "beguiling" (2:4) Christians to believe that the observance of "regulations– dogmata" was needed in order to court the protection of those cosmic beings who allegedly could help them to participate in the completeness and perfection of the divinity. To oppose this teaching, Paul emphasizes two vital truths. First he reminds the Colossians that in Christ, and in Him alone, "the whole fulness of the deity dwells bodily" (2:9) and therefore all other forms of authority that exist are subordinate to Him, "who is the head of all rule and authority" (2:10). Secondly the Apostle reaffirms that it is only in and through Christ that the believer can "come to the fulness of life" (2:10), because Christ not only possess the "fulness of deity" (2:9) but also provides the fulness of "redemption" and "forgiveness of sins" (1:14; 2:10-15; 3:1-5). In order to explain how Christ extends "perfection" (1:28; 4:12) and "fulness" (1:19; 2:9) to the believer, Paul, as Herold Weiss has persuasively shown, "does not make recourse to the law but to baptism." (20) This represents a significant variation, since the explanation of the significance of the law is always an integral part of Paul’s presentation of the Gospel. The fact then that in the whole of Colossians 2 the "term ‘law’ (nomos) is absent . . . from the controversy," (21) corroborates what we said earlier, namely that the Colossian heresy was not based upon the usual Jewish legalism but rather on an unusual (syncretistic) type of ascetic and cultic regulations (dogmata), which undermined the all-sufficiency of Christ’s redemption. To combat these false teachings Paul chose to extol the centrality of the crucified, resurrected and exalted Christ, explaining how Christian perfection is the work of God who extends to the Christian the benefits of Christ’s death and resurrection through baptism (2:11-13) The benefits of baptism are concretely presented as the forgiveness of "all our trespasses" (2:13; 1:14; 3:13) which results in being "made alive" in Christ (2:13). The reaffirmation of the fulness of God’s forgiveness, accomplished by Christ on the cross and extended through baptism to the Christian, constitutes indeed Paul’s basic answer to those trying to attain to perfection by submitting to "regulations." To emphasize the certainty and fulness of divine forgiveness (already stated in 2:13), the Apostle utilizes in 2:14 a legal metaphor, namely that of God as a judge who "wiped out, ... removed [and] nailed to the cross . . . the written document–cheirographon." What did Paul mean by the cheirographon (a term used in antiquity in the sense of a "written agreement" or a "certificate of debt")? (22) Was he referring to the Mosaic Law with its ordinances (tois dogmasin ), thus declaring that God nailed it to the cross? If one adopts this interpretation, there exists a legitimate possibility that the Sabbath could be included among the ordinances nailed to the cross. There are indeed certain authors who hold this view. (23) Besides the grammatical difficulties, (24) "it hardly seems Pauline," writes J. Huby, "to represent God as crucifying the ‘holy’ (Romans 7:6) thing that was the Mosaic Law." (25) Moreover this view would not add to but detract from Paul’s argument designed to prove the fulness of God’s forgiveness. Would the wiping out of the moral and/or ceremonial law provide to Christians the assurance of divine forgiveness? Hardly so. It would only leave mankind without moral principles. Guilt is not removed by destroying law codes. Most commentators interpret the cheirographon either as the "certificate of indebtedness" resulting from our transgressions or a "book containing the record of sin" used for the, condemnation of mankind. (26) Both renderings, which are substantially similar, can be supported from rabbinic and apocalyptic literature. "In Judaism," as stated by E. Lohse, "the relationship between man and God was often described as that between a debtor and his creditor." (27) For example a Rabbi said: "When a man sins, God writes down the debt of death. If the man repents, the debt is cancelled (i.e. declared invalid). If he does not repent, what is recorded remains genuine (valid)." (28) In the Apocalypse of Elijah is found the description of an angel holding a book, explicitly called a cheirographon, in which the sins of the seer are recorded. (29) On the basis of these and similar examples, it is quite obvious that the cheirographon is either a "certificate of sin-indebtedness" or the "record book of sins" but not the law of Moses, since the latter, as Weiss points out, "is not a book of records." (30) What Paul then is saying by this daring metaphor is that God has "wiped out," "removed," and "nailed to the cross" through the body of Christ (which in a sense represents mankind’s guilt), the cheirographon, the instrument for the remembrance of sin. The legal basis of this instrument was the "binding statutes–tois dogmasin" (2:14), but what God destroyed on the cross was not the legal ground (law) for our entanglement into sin, but the written record of our sins. (31) By destroying the record of sins, God removed the possibility of a charge ever being made again against those who have been forgiven. (32) This view is supported also by the clause "and this he has removed out of the middle–kai auto erken ek tou mesou" (2:14). It has been shown that "the middle" was the position occupied at the center of the court or assembly by the accusing witness. (33) In the context of Colossians, the accusing witness is the cheirographon which God in Christ has erased and removed out of the court. One cannot fail to sense how through this forceful metaphor, Paul is reaffirming the completeness of God’s forgiveness provided through Christ on the cross. By destroying the evidence of our sins, God has also "disarmed the principalities and powers" (2:15), since it is no longer possible for them to function as the accusers of the brethren (Revelation 12:10). There is no need therefore for Christians to feel incomplete and to seek to participate in the fulness of the divinity (Pleroma) through the "regulations–dogmata." Those who through baptism have died and have been made alive with Christ, can live now in the certainty of their redemption and forgiveness. Therefore, the powers and principalities need no longer concern them. We have seen that in this whole argument the Law, as stated by Weiss, "plays no role at all." (34) Any attempt therefore to read into the cheirographon a reference to the Sabbath or to any other Old Testament ordinance is altogether unwarranted. The document that was nailed to the cross contained not moral or ceremonial laws, but rather the record of our sins. Is it not true even today that the memory of sin can create in us a sense of incompleteness? The solution to this sense of inadequacy, according to Paul, is to be found not by submitting to a system of "regulations–dogmata," but by accepting the fact that on the cross God has blotted out our sins and granted us full forgiveness. We can conclude then by saying that Colossians 2:14 reaffirms the essence of the Gospel—the Good News that God has nailed on the cross the record and the guilt of our sins—but it has nothing to say about the law and the Sabbath. Paul’s Attitude Toward The Sabbath Having refuted the intellectual speculations of the Colossian "philosophy" by reaffirming the supremacy of Christ and the fulness of His redemption (verses 8-15), Paul now turns to their practical consequences, dealing explicitly with certain features of their religious practices. "Therefore, let no one pass judgement on you in questions of food and drink or with regard to a festival or a new moon or a sabbath.
"These are only a shadow of what is to come; but the substance belongs to Christ." (Colossians 2:16-17) Since in this admonition the Sabbath is singled out as one of the religious practices which "are a shadow of what is to come," it has been generally concluded that "here Paul abolished the Sabbath by name and called it a bygone shadow because the body, which is Christ himself, has come." (35) To test the validity of this traditional interpretation, several questions need to be considered. Are the practices (including the Sabbath?) advocated by this fastidious clique to be regarded as strictly Mosaic prescriptions, or as exaggerated puritanical teachings deriving from a syncretistic ideology? Is the Apostle condemning abstinence from food and drink as well as the use of sacred days and seasons as such, or is he warning against the wrong use made of these? What kind of Sabbath observance did the false teachers advocate? What was Paul’s basic attitude toward the Sabbath and Jewish festivals in general?
Nature of regulations Do the regulations with regard to "eating, drinking, festival, new moon and sabbath" belong exclusively to the Mosaic Law? While the reference to the observances of "festival, new moon and sabbath" plainly shows that the false teachers derived some of their teachings from the Old Testament, the restrictions regarding "eating and drinking" can hardly be traced to the same source. The terms "brosis" and "posis" describe not (as often inexactly translated) "food–broma" and "poma" but the act of "eating and drinking." (36) Therefore it is not a question, as R.C. H. Lenski points out, "about proper and improper food and drink, some being clean, others unclean, but rules about when to eat and to drink and to fast." (37) Such dietary restrictions can hardly be traced back to the Levitical law since this does not contemplate an ascetic program but only ‘distinguishes between clean and unclean food. Moreover, the Mosaic law is silent on the subject of drink, except in the case of the Nazarites and Rechabites, who abstained from intoxicants on account of a special vow. (38) These exceptions however entailed a discipline of their own, well distinct from the general provision of the law. That the dietary prescriptions mentioned in Colossians 2:16 do not belong to the Mosaic law is further indicated in verse 21 by the prohibition (regarding apparently the consumption of food) imposed by the proponents of the "philosophy": "Do not handle, Do not taste, Do not touch." Such ascetic restrictions designed to promote "rigor of devotion and self-abasement and severity to the body" (2:23) were foreign to normative Jewish teachings. Usually such asceticism arises from a dualistic concept of life which despises the material part of the world and the human body in order to attain to a higher sanctity. No traces of this dualistic view can be found in the Hebrew concept of man, which is altogether holistic. There are indications that in Paul’s time this form of asceticism was developing within the Church. In Romans 14 the Apostle deals with a dissension caused by an ascetic party which (similar to that of Colossae) insisted on vegetarianism and abstention from wine (14:2,21) as well as on the observance of days (14:5-6). A similar party possibly existed at Ephesus, since Paul warns Timothy against those "who forbid marriage and enjoin the abstinence from foods which God created to be received with thanksgiving" (1Timothy 4:3).
Was this ascetic teaching influenced primarily by sectarian Judaism or by pagan asceticism? It is difficult to answer this question conclusively since we are informed that a vegetarian regime was promoted by (1) Jewish sects such as the Therapeutae and probably the Essenes; (2) Gnostic sects such as the Encratites, Ebionites and Marcionites; and (3) pagan schools such as the Orphic mysteries, the Pythagoreans and the Neo-platonists. (39) Philostratus (ca. A D. 220) reports, for example, that Apollonius of Tyana (d. ca. A.D. 98), a Neo-Pythagorean philosopher, "declined to live upon a meat diet, on the ground that it was unclean, and that it made the mind gross; he partook only of dried fruits and vegetables, for he said that all the fruits of the earth are clean." (40) (It is noteworthy that even James, the Lord’s brother, according to Hegesippus "was holy from his mother’s womb; and he drank no wine nor strong drink, nor did he eat flesh"). (41) The pagan reasons for practicing asceticism and fasting were many. It was believed, for instance, that fasting prepared a person to receive a divine revelation. (42) The belief in the transmigration of souls apparently motivated abstinence from animal meat, since eating it was regarded as a form of ‘cannibalism.’ Others were led to asceticism by their dualistic view of the world. (43) In the case of the "philosophy" of Colossians, the dietary taboos and the observance of sacred times were apparently regarded as an expression of subjection to and worship of the "elements of the universe" (2:20,18). Some scholars regard the Colossian false teachings as a offshoot of the teaching of the Qumran community. They point out that the emphasis on dietary rules, festal calendar and the veneration of the angels, tallies completely with the practices of the Qumran sect. (44) The Colossian "philosophy" however, as E. Lohse rightly points out, "does not reveal any signs of the kind of radical understanding of the law that is advocated by the Qumran community. The term ‘law’ (nomos) is absent anyway from the controversy in which Colossians is engaged." (45) The most plausible conclusion held by most scholars is that the false teachings and practices at Colossae were of a syncretistic nature, containing both pagan and Jewish elements. The Old Testament was apparently invoked to provide a justification for their syncretistic beliefs and practices. (46) If this conclusion is correct (which to us seems hardly disputable), then Paul’s reference to the Sabbath and festivities must be understood in the context of the heretic, ascetic and syncretistic practices which he opposes. In this case, whatever is said about the perverted use of an institution like the Sabbath, cannot be legitimately used to challenge the validity of the commandment per se. A precept is not nullified by the condemnation of its abuse. But before focusing more directly on Paul’s attitude toward the Sabbath, we need to ascertain what is actually condemned in Cobssians 2:16-17: practices or principle? | | | | | | | Read Part 2 of this Chapter | | | | | | | Chapter Footnotes | | |
(1) Irenaeus, Fragments from the Lost Writings of Irenaeus 38, ANF I, 575. (2) Tertullian, Against Marcion 5, 19, ANF III, 471, 472 (emphasis supplied). (3) Augustine, Sermons on New Testament Lessons 86, 3, NPNF 1st, VI, 515, 516: "The Lord did break the sabbath; but was not therefore guilty. What is that I have said, ‘He brake the sabbath’? He, the Light had come, He was removing the shadows. For the sabbath was enjoined by the Lord God, enjoined by Christ Himself, who was with the Father, when that Law was given; it was enjoined by Him, but in shadow of what was to come. ‘Let no man therefore judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of an holy day, or of the new moon, or of the sabbath days, which are a shadow of things to come.’ He had now come whose coming these things announced. Why do the shadows delight us?" (4) Martin Luther, "Wider die himmlischen Propheten," in his Sammtliche Schrif ten, ed. by Johann Georg Walch, 1890, vol. XX, col. 148. In vol. IX, col. 375 we find a similar statement: "The New Testament tells the Christian that every day is a day of celebration. . . . That is why Paul once in a while calls to the attention of the Christians that they are not bound to any day (Galatians 4:10-11). The same is even clearer in Colssians 2:16-17. We see now that the Sabbath is done away with and the people are free from it." (5) John Calvin, Commentaries on the Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Philippians, Colossians, and Thessalonians, trans. John Pringle, 1948, p. 191. (6) Ibid., p. 192. (7) Loc. cit. (8) J. Danièlou, Bible and Liturgy, p. 228; Merrill F. linger, "The Significance of the Sabbath," Bibliotheca Sacra 123 (1966): 57, "Keeping new moons and sabbaths the unique and dominant feature of the Mosaic covenant of legalism—a pedagogue to conduct to Christ—is declared to be completely at variance with the gospel of grace (Colossians 2:16-17; Galatians 4:9-10; Hebrews 4:4) now that Christ has come and given us His wonderful salvation." (9) W. Robertson Nicoll, The Epistle to the Colossians, The Expositor’s Bible, 1908, p. 231; A. S. Peake, The Epistle to the Colossians, The Expositor’s Greek Testament, 1942, p. 531, similarly comments on Colossians 2:17, saying: "The Sabbath is placed on the same footing as the others, and Paul therefore commits himself to the principle that a Christian is not to be censured for its non-observance." (10) P. K. Jewett, The Lord’s Day, p. 45, footnote 20; William Hendriksen, Exposition of Colossians and Philemon, New Testament Commentary, 1965, p. 124, comments on the text by raising the following rhetorical question: "What justification could there be for imposing upon converts from the Gentile world the observance of the Jewish sabbath, when the Bringer of eternal rest is urging every one to come unto him (Matthew 11:28, 29; cf. Hebrews 4:8, 14)?" This argument fails to convince because, as we have shown in chapter II, Christ by fulfilling the Messianic typology of the Sabbath did not annul its function but enriched it, making the day the fitting memorial of the blessings of salvation. Note also that if the Sabbath is "Jewish" so is Passover or Easter and Pentecost. Yet, have not all these feasts been taken over by Gentile Christians after changing their dates? Was a new date needed to express their fulfilment? (11) C. S. Mosna, Storia della domenica, pp. 184, 182. (12) W. Rordorf, Sunday, p. 138; cf. also his article "Le Dimanche, jour du culte et jour du repos dans l’èglise primitive," Lex Orandi 39, 1965, p. 109, where he states: "The literal observance of the Sabbath... was only a shadow of things to come. Its fulfilment is now present in the person of Jesus Christ (Colossians 2:17)"; the same view is expressed by P. Massi, La Domenica, pp. 22-23. (13) Among the interpreters who define the heresy of Colossae as a "gnosticizing Judaism" are: Jacques Dupont, Gnosis: La Connaissance religieuse dans les èpêtres de S. Paul, 1949, pp. 256, 489.93; E. Percy, Die Problem der Kolsser und Epheserbriefe, 1946, pp. 137-178; Joseph B. Lightfoot, St. Paul’s Epistle to the Colossians and to Philemon, 1879, pp. 73-113; Stanislas Lyonnet, "Paul’s Adversaries in Colossae," in Conflict at Colossae, ed. Fred 0. Francis and Wayne A. Meeks, SBL Sources for Biblical Study 4, 1973, pp. 147-162. On the other hand, Gunther Bornkamm, "The Heresy of Colossians," in Conflict at Colossae, p. 126, states categorically: "No doubt seems possible to me, however, on one point: The Colossian doctrine of the elements belongs to the ancient mythology and speculation of the Oriental Aeon-theology, which was widespread and active in Hellenistic syncretism"; cf. Ernst Lohmeyer, Der Brief an die Kolosser, 1930, pp. 3f.; M. Dibelius, An die Kolosser, Epheser, An Philemon, 1953, excursus on 2:8 and 2:23. Others interpret the Colossian heresy as a syncretism of Jewish and Hellenistic elements; see Edward Lohse, A Commentary on the Epistles to the Colossian and to Philemon, 1971, pp. 115-116; Norbert Hugede, Commentaire de l’Èpître aux Colossiens, pp. 9, 143; W. Rordorf, Sunday, p. 136: "We are in fact, dealing with the possibility of a whole stream of syncretistic tradition in which Jewish-Christian material is inextricably interwined with material of Hellenistic and oriental provenance"; cf. Handley C. G. Moule, Colossian Studies, 1898, who defines the heresy as "an amalgam of Judaism and Gnosticism, in a wide reference of the latter word." (14) See J. B. Lightfoot (footnote 13), p. 178; E. de W. Burton, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistles to the Ephesians and to the Colossians, ICC 35, 1897, p. 247; C. F. D. Moule, The Epistles of Paul the Apostle to the Colossians and to Philemon, 1958, p. 92; W. M. L. DeWette, Kurze Erklii rung der Brief an die Kolosser, an Philemon, an die Epheser und Philipper 1847, p. 44; H. A. W. Meyer, Critical and Exegetical Handbook to the Epistle to the Galatians, 1884, pp. 219-220. This view reflects the exegetical tradition of Tertullian, Jerome, Luther and Calvin. For references and discussion see Herold Weiss, "The Law in the Epistle to the Colossians," The Catholic Biblical Quarterly 34 (1972):294-295. In his doctoral dissertation on The Law and the Elements of the World (published 1964), A. J. Banstra argues that stoicheja tou kosmou denotes the powers of law and flesh which dominate man in this world; cf. J. Blinzer, in Studiorum Paulinorum Con gressus Internationalis, 1961-63, II, pp. 429-443. (15) Gerhard Delling, "stoicheion," TDNT VII, p. 684, explains that this was the common understanding of the phrase by ordinary people. Therefore he defines it as "that whereon the existence of this world rests, that which constitutes man’s being." According to this view Paul would have alluded to the weak and impotent elements which enslaved mankind in pre-Christian religion. (16) Among the expositors on Colossians and Galatians who advocate a personified interpretation of the stoicheia are: Norbert Hugedè, A. B. Caird, F. F. Bruce, E. F. Scott, E. Lohse, H. Schlier, M. Dibelius, Beare, Conzelmann, C. Toussaint. See especially R. K. Bultmann, Theology of the New Testament, 1951, I, p. 173; H. Schlier, Principalities and Powers in the New Testament, 1961; D. E. H. Whitely, The Theology of St. Paul, 1964, p. 25. (17) The phrase suggests the practice of the mystery cults when in the initiation rite the devotee removed his clothes and took a purificatory bath. For texts and discussion see E. Lohse (footnote 13), p. 102. Apparently Paul’s reply to those "philosophers" who insisted on circumcision as the true initiation, is that the true circumcision is not physical but metaphorical, namely the surrender of the old life (cf. Romans 2:28-29; Philippians 3:3, Ephesians 2:11). (18) A. B. Caird, Paul’s Letters from Prison, 1976, p. 198, points out that the ascetic program advocated by the Colossian false teachers was "foreign to the Jewish mentality . . . Paul treats it as an offshoot of Judaism, but it was probably put together by Gentile Christians who looked to the Old Testament to provide the justification for their ascetic principles." (19) In addition to the interpreters mentioned above (footnote 13), several other authors recognize the syncretistic nature of the Colossian heresy. See E. F. Scott, The Epistles of Paul to the Colossians, to Philemon and to the Ephesians, 1948, p. 51: "Some of the practices he mentions are obviously Jewish; others would seem, just as clearly, to be of Pagan origin"; A. B. Caird (footnote 18), pp. 160-163; H. A. A. Kennedy, "Two Exegetical Notes on St. Paul," The Expository Times 28 (1916-1917): 303; Charles R. Erdman, The Epistles of Paul to the Colossians and to Phileinon, 1929, p. 73: "The Colossian heresy was essentially Jewish. However, there is no question that it had elements of an Oriental mysticism"; William Hendriksen (footnote 10), pp. 123-124; Herold Weiss (footnote 14), p. 304: "These practices were the expression of a religious syncretism." Ralph P. Martin, Colossians, and Philemon, New Century Bible, 1974, pp. 90-91; Charles Masson, L’Epitre de St. Paul aux Colossiens, 1950, pp. 130-134. (20) Herold Weiss (footnote 14), p. 305. (21) E. Lohse (footnote 13), p. 116; Weiss (footnote 14), p. 307 similarly emphasizes: "1 wish to . . . repeat what was said at the beginning: in the whole of the epistle the word law is not used at all. Not only that, but the whole significance of the law, which appears unavoidable for Paul when he presents his gospel, is completely absent." (22) Cf. Moulton-Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament, 1929, p. 687. (23) F. Prat, The Theology of St. Paul, 1927, II, pp. 228-229, categorically defends this view. C. Masson (footnote 19), p. 127, lists as advocators of this position Oltremare, Abbott, Haupt and Kittel. (24) To justify this interpretation the phrase "cheorographon tois dogmasin" is translated "the document consisting in ordinances." But, Charles Masson (footnote 19), p. 128, footnote 1, explains that "the grammatical justification for this construction is highly debatable . . . It should have by rule the preposition en (cf. verse 11) to say that the document "consisted in ordinances." (25) J. Huby, Saint Paul: les Èpîtres de la captivite, 1947, p. 73. Charles Masson (footnote 19), p. 128, mentions that for Schlatter, Huby and Percy "the idea of the law nailed on the cross with Christ would have been unthinkable for Paul." (26) Charles Masson (footnote 19), p. 128, holds that "one must admit with Schlatter, Dibelius, Lohmeyer, Percy that the ‘chirograph’ is a certificate acknowledging the debt resulting from our transgressions. The image derives from a rabbinic concept: God—or his angels—record in the books the report of the good and evil actions of men. To this very day, in the prayer ‘Abinu Malkenu,’ prayer for the ten penitential days that begins the New Year, the Jews say: ‘On account of thy great mercy erase all the documents that accuse us’ (Dibelius, Lohmeyer, p. 116, n. 1, Str. Billerbeck)." Historically this view was held by Origen, In Genesim homilia 13, PG 12. 235; Augustine (quotes Chrysostom) Contra Julianum 1, 6, 26, PL 44, 658; Super Epistola ad Colossenses 2, lectio III. G. R. Beasley-Murray, "The Second Chapter of Colossians," Review and Expositor 70 (1973): 471: "The ‘bond’ is an I.O.U., a signed statement of indebtedness; if it applies to the Jew through his acceptance of the Law, it also applies to the Gentile who recognizes his obligation to what he knows of the will of God. It means, in the picturesque paraphrase of Moule, ‘I owe obedience to God’s will, signed Mankind.’" The study of the usage of cheirographon in Jewish and Jewish-Christian sources has helped to clarify that the term was used to describe the "celestial book" where sins are recorded. The first inkling of this interpretation came over fifty years ago when P. Batiffol published Les Odes de Salomon, 1911, pp. 81-85. J. Danièlou found confirmation for Batiffol’s suggestion in the Gospel of Truth. A. J. Banstra (footnote 14), pp. 159, reaffirms that the cheirographon must be a book in which sins are recorded. (27) E. Lohse (footnote 13), P. 108. (28) Tanhuma Midrash 140b; cf. SB III, p. 628. (29) For text and discussion see A. J. Banstra (footnote 14), pp. 159-160. Banstra argues, however, that the book recording the sins of men is mankind’s flesh which Christ took upon himself on the cross. Support for this view is derived from the Gospel of Truth where it says: "For this reason Jesus appeared, he took this book for himself. He was nailed to a cross of wood; he affixed the decree (diatagma) of the Father upon the cross" (Edgar Hennecke, New Testament Apocrypha, 1963, I, p. 237). The identification of the cheirographon with mankind’s body of flesh which Christ took on himself to the cross was first proposed by O. A. Blanchette, "Does the Chierographon of Colossians 2:14 Represent Christ Himself?" Catholic Biblical Quarterly 23 (1961): 306-312. (30) Herold Weiss (footnote 14), p. 302: "It would seem to me that indeed cheirographon is to be interpreted in terms of the context provided by the Apocalypse of Elijah. In it a book containing a record of sin is used for the condemnation of mankind. This would mean that it is not correct to identify the cheirographon with the law of Moses, which is not a book of records." (31) Some interpret the phrase "cheirographon tois dogmasin" as "the law with its legal demands." In support of this view the similar text of Ephesians 2:15 is cited where it says: "by abolishing in his flesh the law of commandments and ordinances–ton nomon ton entolon en dogmasin." However, the similarity between the two is only apparent. In the first place the phrase "the law of commandments" which occurs in Ephesians is not found in Colossians. Secondly, the dative in Ephesians "en dogmasin" is governed by "en," thus expressing that the law was set out "in regulations." Such a preposition does not occur in Colossians. Lastly, the context is substantially different. While in Ephesians the question is how Christ removed what separated Jews from Gentiles, in Colossians it is how Christ provided full forgiveness. The former He accomplished by destroying "the dividing wall of hostility" (2: 14—a possible reference to the wall that divided the court of the Gentiles from the sanctuary proper, cf. Josephus, Jewish Wars 5, 5, 2; 6, 2, 4) "by abolishing the law of commandments [set out] in regulations" (2:15). The latter, by utterly destroying "the written record of our sins which because of the regulations was against us." E. Lohse (footnote 13), p. 109, rightly points out that "the words ‘because of the regulations’ stand first in a position of emphasis in order to call special attention to the legal basis for the certificate’s witness against us" (emphasis supplied). In Hellenistic Judaism the commandments of God are often called "regulations–regulations"– 3 Maccabees 1:3, "the ancestral commandments–dogmaton; cf. 4 Maccabees 10:2; Josephus, Antiquities 15, 136; Contra Apionem 1, 42. (32) Isaiah 43:25 provides a similar promise: "I am He who blots out your transgressions for my own sake, and I will not remember your sins. " (33) The legal position of the "middle" is present in the New Testament in texts such as Mark 3:3; 9:36; Acts 4:7. The expression occurs repeatedly in Greek juridical texts; see discussion in Norbert Hugedè (footnote 13), p. 140. (34) Herold Weiss (footnote 14), p. 311, footnote 10. Weiss also comments: "In fact the letter moves in an environment quite removed from that of the Pauline epistles where at every juncture there is likely to be a confrontation between Jewish and Gentile Christianity over the question of the Mosaic law" (loc. cit.). (35) See above footnote 4. (36) On "food/eating–broma/brosis" cf. Johannes Behm, TDNT I, pp. 642-645; on "drink/drinking –poma/posis" cf. Leonhard Goppelt, TDNT VI, pp. 145-148. (37) R. C. H. Lenski, The Interpretation of St. Paul’s Epistles to the Thessalonians, to Timothy, to Titus and to Philemon, 1946, p. 123. Norbert Hugedè (footnote 13), p. 143, similarly remarks: "It is not then a question of distinction between clean and unclean food as recommended by Leviticus 11, but of the practice of fasting according to the custom of pagan ascetics"; A. S. Peake (footnote 9), p. 530: "The question is not altogether between lawful and unlawful food, but between eating and drinking or abstinence. Ascetism rather than ritual cleanness is in his mind." (38) The Nazirite’s vow included abstention from all grape products (Numbers. 6: 2-4). This however was a temporary and voluntary vow. Some, such as Samuel (1Samuel 1:11) and John the Baptist (Luke 1:15) were Nazirite for life. But we have no record of a person taking the vow voluntarily for life. Perpetual vows were taken by parents on behalf of children. The Rechabites led a nomadic life in tents and abstained from wine and all intoxicating drinks (Jeremiah 35:1-19). (39) For texts and discussion see G. Bornkamm, "lakanon," TDNT IV, p. 67. (40) Vita Apollonii 1, 8; cf. Apuleius, Metamorph. 11, 28: "abstain from all animal meat." (41) Cited by Eusebius, HE 2, 23, 5, NPNF 2nd, I, p. 125. (42) Cf. J. Behm, "nestis" TDNT IV, p. 297: "The Greeks and Romans knew that abstention makes receptive to ecstatic revelations." See the article for sources and discussion. (43) References can be found in G. Bornkamm (footnote 39), p. 66. (44) Among the advocators of this view are Stanislas Lyonnet (fo. 13), pp. 147-153; W. D. Davies, "Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls: Flesh and Spirit," in The Scrolls and the New Testament, 1957, pp. 167f.; Pierre Benoit, "Oumran et le Nouveau Testament," NTS 7 (1960-61): 287. For a more balanced assessment of relationships with Oumran teaching see E. Yamauchi, "Sectarian Parallels: Qumran and Colosse," Bibliotheca Sacra 121, 1 (1964): 141-152. (45) E. Lohse (footnote 13), p. 116 (46) See above footnotes 18, 19. |
|
| | | | Read Part 2 of this Chapter | | |
|
|