But one building at Ephesus surpassed all the rest in magnificence and in fame. This was the Temple of Artemis or Diana, which glittered in brilliant beauty at the head of the harbor, and was reckoned by the ancients as one of the wonders of the world. The sun, it was said, saw nothing in his course more magnificent than Diana’s Temple. Its honor dated from a remote antiquity. Leaving out of consideration the earliest temple, which was contemporaneous with the Athenian colony under Androclus, or even yet more ancient, we find the great edifice, which was anterior to the Macedonian period, begun and continued in the midst of the attention and admiration both of Greeks and Asiatics. The foundations were carefully laid, with immense substructions, in the marshy ground. (f1531) Architects of the highest distinction were employed. (f1532) The quarries of Mount Prion supplied the marble. (f1533) All the Greek cities of Asia contributed to the structure; and Croesus, the king of Lydia, himself lent his aid. The work thus begun before the Persian war was slowly continued even through the Peloponnesian war; and its dedication was celebrated by a poet contemporary with Euripides. (f1534) But the building, which had been thus rising through the space of many years, was not destined to remain long in the beauty of its perfection. The fanatic Herostratus set fire to it on the same night in which Alexander was born. This is one of the coincidences of history, on which the ancient world was fond of dwelling: and it enables us, with more distinctness, to pursue the annals of "Diana of the Ephesians."

The temple was rebuilt with new and more sumptuous magnificence. The ladies of Ephesus contributed their jewelry to the expense of the restoration. The national pride in the sanctuary was so great, that, when Alexander offered the spoils of his eastern campaign if he might inscribe his name on the building, the honor was declined. The Ephesians never ceased to embellish the shrine of their goddess, continually adding new decorations and subsidiary buildings, with statues and pictures by the most famous artists. This was the temple that kindled the enthusiasm of St. Paul’s opponents (Acts 19.), and was still the rallying-point of Heathenism in the days of St. John and Polycarp. In the second century we read that it was united to the city by a long colonnade. But soon afterwards it was plundered and laid waste by the Goths, who came from beyond the Danube in the reign of Gallienus. (f1535) It sank entirely Into decay in the age when Christianity was overspreading the Empire; and its remains are to be sought for in mediaeval buildings, in the columns of green jasper which support the dome of St. Sophia, or even in the naves of Italian cathedrals. (f1536)

Thus the Temple of Diana of Ephesus saw all the changes of Asia Minor, from Croesus to Constantine. Though nothing now remains on the spot to show us what or even where it was, there is enough in its written memorials to give us some notion of its appearance and splendor. The reader will bear in mind the characteristic style which was assumed by Greek architecture, and which has suggested many of the images of the New Testament. (f1537) It was quite different from the lofty and ascending form of those buildings which have since arisen in all parts of Christian Europe, and essentially consisted in horizontal entablatures resting on vertical columns. In another respect, also, the temples of the ancients may be contrasted with our churches and cathedrals. They were not roofed over for the reception of a large company of worshippers, but were in fact colonnades (f1538) erected as subsidiary decorations round the cell which contained the idol, and were, through a great part of their space, open to the sky. The colonnades of the Ephesian Diana really constituted an epoch in the history of Art, for in them was first matured that graceful Ionic style, the feminine beauty of which was more suited to the genius of the Asiatic Greek, than the sterner and plainer Doric, in which the Parthenon and Propylaea of Athens were built. The scale on which the Temple was erected was magnificently extensive. It was 425 feet in length and 220 in breadth, and the columns were 60 feet high. The number of columns was 127, each of them the gift of a king; and 36 of them were enriched with ornament and color. The folding-doors were of cyprus-wood; the part which was not open to the sky was roofed over with cedar; and the staircase was formed of the wood of one single vine from the island of Cyprus. The value and fame of the Temple were enhanced by its being the treasury where a large portion of the wealth of Western Asia was stored up. (f1539) It is probable that there was no religious building in the world in which was concentrated a greater amount of admiration, enthusiasm, and superstition.

If the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was magnificent, the image enshrined within the sumptuous enclosure was primitive and rude. We usually conceive of this goddess, when represented in art, as the tall huntress, eager in pursuit, like the statue in the Louvre. Such was not the form of the Ephesian Diana, though she was identified by the Greeks with their own mountain-goddess, whose figure we often see represented on the coins of this city. (f1540) What amount of fusion took place, in the case of this worship, between Greek and Oriental notions, we need not inquire. The image may have been intended to represent Diana in one of her customary characters, as the deity of fountains; (f1541) but it reminds us rather of the idols of the far East, and of the religions which love to represent the life of all animated beings as fed and supported by the many breasts of nature. (f1542) The figure which assumed this emblematic form above was terminated below in a shapeless block. The material was wood. A bar of metal was in each hand. The dress was covered with mystic devices, and the small shrine, where it stood within the temple, was concealed by a curtain in front. Yet, rude as the image was, it was the object of the utmost veneration. Like the Palladium of Troy — like the most ancient Minerva of the Athenian Acropolis, (f1543) — like the Paphian Venus (f1544) or Cybele of Pessinus, (f1545) to which allusion has been made, — like the Ceres in Sicily mentioned by Cicero, (f1546) — it was believed to have "fallen down from the sky" (Acts 19:35). Thus it was the object of the greater veneration from the contrast of its primitive simplicity with the modern and earthly splendor which surrounded it; and it was the model on which the images of Diana were formed for worship in other cities.

One of the idolatrous customs of the ancient world was the use of portable images or shrines, which were little models of the more celebrated objects of devotion. They were carried in processions, on journeys and military expeditions, (f1547) and sometimes set up as household gods in private dwellings. Pliny says that this was the case with the Temple of the Cnidian Venus; and other Heathen writers make allusion to the "shrines" of the Ephesian Diana, which are mentioned in the Acts (Acts 19:21). The material might be wood, or gold, or "silver." The latter material was that which employed the hands of the workmen of Demetrius. From the expressions used by St. Luke, it is evident that an extensive and lucrative trade grew up at Ephesus, from the manufacture and sale of these shrines. Few of those who came to Ephesus would willingly go away without a memorial of the goddess, and a model of her temple; (f1548) and, from the wide circulation of these works of art over the shores of the Mediterranean, and far into the interior, it might be said, with little exaggeration, that her worship was recognized by the "whole world" (f1549) (Acts 19:27).

Inscription from Ephesus

The ceremonies of the actual worship at Ephesus were conducted by the members of a twofold hierarchy. And here again we see the traces of Oriental rather than Greek influences. The Megabyzi, the priests of Diana, were eunuchs from the interior, under one at their head, who bore the title of high priest, and ranked among the leading and most influential personages of the city. Along with these priests were associated a swarm of virgin priestesses, consecrated, under the name of Melissae, to the service (f1550) of the deity, and divided into three classes, and serving, like the priests, under one head. And with the priests and priestesses would be associated (as in all the great temples of antiquity) a great number of slaves, who attended to the various duties connected with the worship, down to the care of sweeping and cleaning the Temple. This last phrase leads us to notice an expression used in the Acts of the Apostles, concerning the connection of Ephesus with the Temple of Diana. The term "Neocoros" or "Temple-sweeper" (newkorov, Acts 19:35), originally an expression of humility, and applied to the lowest menials engaged in the care of the sacred edifice, (f1551) became afterwards a title of the highest honor, and was eagerly appropriated by the most famous cities. (f1552) This was the case with Ephesus in reference to her national goddess. The city was personified as Diana’s devotee. The title "Neo-coros" was boastfully exhibited on the current coins. (f1553) Even the free people of Ephesus were sometimes named "Neocoros." (f1554) Thus, the town-clerk could with good reason begin his speech by the question, — "What man is there that knows not that the city of the Ephesians is neocoros of the great goddess Diana, and of the image which came down from heaven?"

The Temple and the Temple-services remained under the Romans as they had been since the period of Alexander. If any change had taken place, greater honor was paid to the goddess, and richer magnificence added to her sanctuary, in proportion to the wider extent to which her fame had been spread. Asia was always a favored province, (f1555) and Ephesus must be classed among those cities of the Greeks, to which the conquerors were willing to pay distinguished respect. (f1556) Her liberties and her municipal constitution were left untouched, when the province was governed by an officer from Rome. To the general remarks which have been made before in reference to Thessalonica, (f1557) concerning the position of free or autonomous cities under the Empire, something more may be added here, inasmuch as certain political characters of Ephesus appear on the scene which is described in the sacred narrative.

We have said, in the passage above alluded to, that free cities under the Empire had frequently their senate and assembly. There is abundant proof that this was the case at Ephesus. Its old constitution was democratic, as we should expect in a city of the Ionians, and as we are distinctly told by Xenophon: and this constitution continued to subsist under the Romans. The senate, of which Josephus speaks, (f1558) still met in the Senate-house, which is noticed by another writer, (f1559) and the position of which was probably in the Agora below the Theatre. (f1560) We have still more frequent notices of the demus or people, and its assembly. (f1561) Whereever its customary place of meeting might be when legally and regularly convoked (ejnnomw ekklhsia , Acts 19:39), the theatre (f1562) would he an obvious place of meeting, in the case of a tumultuary gathering, like that which will presently be brought before our notice.

Again, like other free cities, Ephesus had its magistrates, as Thessalonica had its politarchs (pp. 289 and 290), and Athens its archons. Among those which our sources of information bring before us are several with the same titles and functions as in Athens. (f1563) One of these was that officer who is described as "town-clerk" in the authorized version of the Bible (grsmmateu<v , Acts 19:35). Without being able to determine his exact duties, or to decide whether another term, such as "Chancellor," or "Recorder," would better describe them to us, (f1564) we may assert, from the parallel case of Athens, (f1565) and from the Ephesian records themselves, that he was a magistrate of great authority, in a high and very public position. He had to do with state-papers; he was keeper of the archives; he read what was of public moment before the senate and assembly; he was present when money was deposited in the Temple; and when letters were sent to the people of Ephesus, they were officially addressed to him. Thus, we can readily account for his name appearing so often on the coins (f1566) of Ephesus. He seems sometimes to have given the name to the year, like the archons at Athens, or the consuls at Rome. Hence no magistrate was more before the public at Ephesus. His very aspect was familiar to all the citizens; and no one was so likely to be able to calm and disperse an angry and excited multitude. (See Acts 19:35-41.)

If we turn now from the city to the province of which it was the metropolis, we are under no perplexity as to its relation to the imperial government. From coins and from inscriptions, (f1567) from secular writers and Scripture itself (Acts 19:38), we learn that Asia was a proconsular province. (f1568) We shall not stay to consider the question which has been raised concerning the usage of the plural in this passage of the Acts; for it is not necessarily implied that more than one proconsul was in Ephesus at the time. (f1569) But another subject connected with the provincial arrangements requires a few words of explanation. The Roman citizens in a province were, in all legal matters, under the jurisdiction of the proconsul; and for the convenient administration of justice, the whole country was divided into districts, each of which had its own assize town (forum or conventus). (f1570) The proconsul, at stated seasons, made a circuit through these districts, attended by his interpreter (for all legal business in the Empire was conducted in Latin), (f1571) and those who had subjects of litigation, or other cases requiring the observance of legal forms, brought them before him or the judges whom he might appoint. Thus Pliny, after the true Roman spirit, in his geographical description of the Empire, is always in the habit of mentioning the assize-towns, and the extent of the shires which surrounded them. In the province of Asia he takes especial notice of Sardis, Smyrna, and Ephesus, and enumerates the various towns which brought their causes to be tried at these cities. The official visit of the proconsul to Ephesus was necessarily among the most important; and the town-clerk, in referring to the presence of the proconsuls, could remind his fellow-citizens in the same breath that it was the very time of the assizes (ajgoraioi agontai, Acts 19:38).(f1572)

We have no information as to the time of the year (f1573) at which the Ephesian assizes were held. If the meeting took place in spring, they might then be coincident with the great gathering which took place at the celebration of the national games. It seems that the ancient festival of the United Ionians had merged into that which was held in honor of the Ephesian Diana. (f1574) The whole month of May was consecrated to the glory of the goddess; and the month itself received from her the name of Artemision. The Artemisian festival was not simply an Ephesian ceremony, but was fostered by the sympathy and enthusiasm of all the surrounding neighborhood. As the Temple of Diana was called "the Temple of Asia," so this gathering was called "the common meeting of Asia." (f1575) Prom the towns on the coast and in the interior, the Ionians came up with their wives and children to witness the gymnastic and musical contests, and to enjoy the various amusements, which made the days and nights of May one long scene of revelry. To preside over these games, to provide the necessary expenses, and to see that due order was maintained, annual officers were appointed by election from the whole province. About the time of the vernal equinox, each of the principal towns within the district called Asia chose one of its wealthiest citizens, and, from the whole number (f1576) thus returned, ten were finally selected to discharge the duty of Asiarehs. We find similar titles in use in the neighboring provinces, and read, in books or on inscriptions and coins, of Bithyniarchs, Galatarchs, Lyciarchs, and Syriarchs. But the games of Asia and Ephesus were pre-eminently famous; and those who held there the office of "Presidents of the Games" were men of high distinction and extensive influence. Receiving no emolument from their office, but being required rather to expend large sums for the amusement of the people and their own credit, (f1577) they were necessarily persons of wealth. Men of consular rank were often willing to receive the appointment, and it was held to enhance the honor of any other magistracies with which they might be invested. They held for the time a kind of sacerdotal position; and when, robed in mantles of purple and crowned with garlands, they assumed the duty of regulating the great gymnastic contests, and controlling the tumultuary crowd in the theatre, they might literally be called the "Chief of Asia" (Acts 19:31).

These notices of the topography and history of Ephesus, of its religious institutions, and political condition under the Empire, may serve to clear the way for the narrative which we must now pursue. We resume the history at the twenty-second verse of the nineteenth chapter of the Acts, where we are told of a continued stay (f1578) in Asia after the burning of the books of the magicians. (f1579) St. Paul was indeed looking forward to a journey through Macedonia and Achaia, and ultimately to Jerusalem and Rome (v. 21); and in anticipation of his departure he had sent two of his companions into Macedonia before him (v. 22). The events which had previously occurred have already shown us the great effects which his preaching had produced both among the Jews and Gentiles. (f1580) And those which follow show us still more clearly how wide a "door" (1Corinthians 16:9.) had been thrown open to the progress of the gospel. The idolatrous practices of Ephesus were so far endangered, that the interests of one of the prevalent trades of the place were seriously affected; and meanwhile St. Paul’s character had risen so high, as to obtain influence over some of the wealthiest and most powerful personages in the province. The scene which follows is entirely connected with the religious observances of the city of Diana. The Jews (f1581) fall into the background. Both the danger and safety of the Apostle originate with the Gentiles.

It seems to have been the season of spring when the occurrences took place which are related by St. Luke at the close of the nineteenth chapter. (f1582) We have already seen that he purposed to stay at Ephesus "till Pentecost;" (f1583) and it has been stated that May was the "month of Diana," in which the great religious gathering took place to celebrate the games. (f1584) If this also was the season of the provincial assize (which, as we have seen, is by no means improbable), the city would be crowded with various classes of people. Doubtless those who employed themselves in making the portable shrines of Diana expected to drive a brisk trade at such a time; and when they found that the sale of these objects of superstition was seriously diminished, and that the preaching of St. Paul was the cause of their merchandise being depreciated, "no small tumult arose concerning that way" in which the new teacher was leading his disciples (v. 23).

A certain Demetrius, a master-manufacturer in the craft, summoned together his workmen, along with other artisans who were occupied in trades of the same kind — (among whom we may perhaps reckon "Alexander the coppersmith" (2Timothy 4:14), against whom the Apostle warned Timothy at a later period), — and addressed to them an inflammatory speech. It is evident that St. Paul, though he had made no open and calumnious attack on the divinities of the place, as was admitted below (v. 37), had said something like what he had said at Athens, that we ought not to suppose that the deity is "like gold or silver carved with the art and device of man" (Acts 17:29), and that "they are no gods that are made with hands" (v. 26). Such expressions, added to the failure in the profits of those who were listening, gave sufficient materials for an adroit and persuasive speech. Demetrius appealed first to the interest of his hearers, (f1585) and then to their fanaticism. (f1586) He told them that their gains were in danger of being lost — and, besides this, that "the temple of the great goddess Diana" (to which we can imagine him pointing as he spoke) (f1587) was in danger of being despised, and that the honor of their national divinity was in jeopardy, whom not only "all Asia," (f1588) but "all the civilized world," (f1589) had hitherto held in the highest veneration. Such a speech could not be lost, when thrown like fire on such inflammable materials. The infuriated feeling of the crowd of assembled artisans broke out at once into a cry in honor of the divine patron of their city and their craft, — "Great is Diana of the Ephesians." (f1590) The excitement among this important and influential class of operatives was not long in spreading through the whole city. (f1591) The infection seized upon the crowds of citizens and strangers; and a general rush was made to the theatre, the most obvious place of assembly. (f1592) On their way, they seem to have been foiled in the attempt to lay hold of the person of Paul, (f1593) though they hurried with them into the theatre two of the companions of his travels, Caius and Aristarchus, whose home was in Macedonia. (f1594) A sense of the danger of his companions, and a fearless zeal for the truth, urged St. Paul, so soon as this intelligence reached him, to hasten to the theatre and present himself before the people; but the Christian disciples used all their efforts to restrain him. Perhaps their anxious solicitude might have been unavailing (f1595) on this occasion, as it was on one occasion afterwards, (See Acts 21:13.) had not other influential friends interposed to preserve his safety. And now was seen the advantage which is secured to a righteous cause by the upright character and unflinching zeal of its leading champion. Some of the Asiarchs, (f1596) whether converted to Christianity or not, had a friendly feeling towards the Apostle; and well knowing the passions of an Ephesian mob when excited at one of the festivals of Asia, they sent an urgent message to him to prevent him from venturing into the scene of disorder and danger. (f1597) Thus he reluctantly consented to remain in privacy, while the mob crowded violently into the theatre, filling the stone seats, tier above tier, and rending the air with their confused and fanatical cries. (f1598)

It was indeed a scene of confusion; and never perhaps was the character of a mob more simply and graphically expressed, than when it is said, that "the majority knew not why they were come together" (v. 32). At length an attempt was made to bring the expression of some articulate words before the assembly. This attempt came from the Jews, who seem to have been afraid lest they should be implicated in the odium which had fallen on the Christians. By no means unwilling to injure the Apostle’s cause, they were yet anxious to clear themselves, and therefore they "put Alexander forward" to make an apologetic speech (f1599) to the multitude. If this man was really, as we have suggested, "Alexander the coppersmith," he might naturally be expected to have influence with Demetrius and his fellow-craftsmen. But when he stood up and "raised his hand" (f1600) to invite silence, he was recognized immediately by the multitude as a Jew. It was no time for making distinctions between Jews and Christians; and one simultaneous cry arose from every mouth, "Great is Diana of the Ephesians;" and this cry continued for two hours.

The excitement of an angry multitude wears out after a time, and a period of re-action comes, when they are disposed to listen to words of counsel and reproof. And, whether we consider the official position of the "Town-clerk," or the character of the man as indicated by his speech, we may confidently say that no one in the city was so well suited to appease this Ephesian mob. The speech is a pattern of candid argument and judicious tact. He first allays the fanatical passions of his listeners by this simple appeal:(f1601) "Is it not known everywhere that this city of the Ephesians is Neocoros of the great goddess Diana and of the image that came down from the sky?" The contradiction of a few insignificant strangers could not affect what was notorious in all the world. Then he bids them remember that Paul and his companions had not been guilty of approaching or profaning the temple, (f1602) or of outraging the feelings of the Ephesians by calumnious expressions against the goddess. (f1603) And then he turns from the general subject to the case of Demetrius, and points out that the remedy for any injustice was amply provided by the assizes which were then going on, — or by an appeal to the proconsul. And reserving the most efficacious argument to the last, he reminded them that such an uproar exposed the city of Ephesus to the displeasure of the Romans: for, however great were the liberties allowed to an ancient and loyal city, it was well known to the whole population, that a tumultuous meeting which endangered the public peace would never be tolerated. So, having rapidly brought his arguments to a climax, he tranquillized the whole multitude, and pronounced the technical words which declared the assembly dispersed. (Acts 19:41.) The stone seats were gradually emptied. The uproar ceased (Acts 20:1), and the rioters separated to their various occupations and amusements.

Thus God used the eloquence of a Greek magistrate to protect His servant, as before He had used the right of Roman citizenship (p. 268), and the calm justice of a Roman governor (p. 365). And, as in the cases of Philippi and Corinth, (Acts 16:40, 18:18.) the narrative of St. Paul’s sojourn at Ephesus concludes with the notice of a deliberate and affectionate farewell. The danger was now over. With gratitude to that Heavenly Master who had watched over his life and his works, and with a recognition of that love of his fellow-Christians, and that favor of the "Chief of Asia," which had been the instruments of his safety, he gathered together the disciples (Acts 20:1), and in one last affectionate meeting — most probably in the school of Tyrannus — he gave them his farewell salutations, and commended them to the grace of God, and parted from them with tears.

This is the last authentic account which we possess, — if we except the meeting at Miletus (Acts 20.), — of any personal connection of St. Paul with Ephesus; for although we think it may be inferred from the Pastoral Epistles that he visited the metropolis of Asia again at a later period, yet we know nothing of the circumstances of the visit, and even its occurrence has been disputed. The other historical associations of Christianity with this city are connected with a different Apostle and a later period of the Church. Legend has been busy on this scene of apostolic preaching and suffering. Without attempting to unravel what is said concerning others who have lived and died at Ephesus, (f1604) we are allowed to believe that the robber-haunts (f1605) in the mountains around have witnessed some passages in the life of St. John, that he spent the last year of the first century in this "metropolis of the Asiatic Churches," (f1606) and that his body rests among the sepulchres of Mount Prion. Here we may believe that the Gospel and Epistles were written, which teach us that "love" is greater than "faith and hope" (1Corinthians 13:13); and here, — though the "candlestick" is removed, according to the prophetic word (Revelation 2:5), — a monument yet survives, in the hill strewn with the ruins of many centuries, (f1607) of him who was called "John the Theologian," because he emphatically wrote of the "Divinity of our Lord."